Category: Winter 2016

Contingent Faculty of the World Unite! Organizing to Resist the Corporatization of Higher Education

The once hallowed and secure work life of American university faculty has for the past quarter century been in turmoil. Being a professor was once a respected, stable profession, but is now increasingly characterized by low pay, minimal benefits, and no job security.

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From the Editorial Team

The ghosts of Eugene Debs and Richard Nixon haunt the American political landscape. Whether the extraordinary presidential cam­paign of Brooklyn-born Vermont senator Bernie Sanders represents the rebirth of the socialist movement led by Debs a century ago will be the subject of a feature article in our next issue. Here, we ponder the pandemonium going on in the GOP and sense the spectral presence of the only American president forced to resign his office.

As we watch the decomposition of the Republican Party—partly vaudevillian theat­rics, partly a conservative auto-da-fe—we remember Nixon’s golden years. Before he heli­coptered away in disgrace, he had earned a smashing electoral victory thanks to invoking something then and forever after called “the silent majority” and the “southern strategy.” That was a successful attempt to makeover the Republican Party by wooing the “forgotten man” through a combination of cultural and racial populism. Party elites thought they could manipulate those emotions at will. For a time, they did. Now, they cannot. Drifting ever right­ward and at the mercy of centrifugal and often antagonistic forces—evangelicals, libertarians, Tea Party ideologues, Reagan democrats, and traditional business lobbies—the party keeps verging on self-destruction, its leadership impo­tent, searching haplessly for solid ground, for some hypothetical center, but there is no there, there. In this issue, Darren Dochuk tries to make sense of what has happened to the Republicans over the last generation.

At the opposite end of the spectrum, big doings—in addition to the Sanders campaign— are also afoot. When it began, Black Lives Matter seemed a righteous response to the lethal policing of African-American communities. As it spreads, it is also showing signs that its mili­tancy may be augmented by a merging of its concerns about social and economic justice. Russell Rickford illuminates the origins of the movement and assesses its incipient radicalism.

Over the last year or two, the labor move­ment has also shown encouraging signs of new life. In this issue, our “On the Contrary” column continues the conversation inaugurated in the fall 2015 issue by Lance Compa who offered his critique of various strategies for reinvigorating labor organizing. Five writers and activists respond to Compa’s assessment, and Compa replies. One sign of rebirth is the very vigorous drive to unionize adjunct lecturers on college campuses. Malini Cadambi Daniel analyzes what is happening that has sparked that cam­paign and its relationship to other efforts, espe­cially the Fight for $15.

As an alternative to capitalism, the workers’ cooperative movement has long history in the United States, going back at least to the nine­teenth-century Populists and Knights of Labor. Interest has waxed and waned since. It has been on the upswing recently. The most talked about are the Mondragon cooperatives based in Spain, and Sharryn Kasmir offers an incisive examina­tion of the promises and contradictions of that enterprise.

Mondragon has become an international phenomenon. Local organizing, however, about a variety of issues continues to furnish the life­blood of resistance to all forms of discrimina­tion and exploitation. In her column, “Roots of Rebellion,” Mariya Strauss describes a remark­able movement for gender and economic jus­tice rooted in the Deep South. And Raahi Reddy recounts the equally successful attempt of the “Fair Shot for All” coalition in Oregon to bridge the gap between racial, gender, and economic justice. In “Under the Radar,” Sarah Jaffe reports on little-known insurgencies in Colorado, New Orleans, New Jersey, and Alaska.

Another piece of good news for New Labor Forum and its readers is the inauguration in this issue of a new column covering the environmen­tal movement, its friends, and enemies. We are proud to welcome our newest columnist Sean Sweeney, director of the Murphy Institute’s International Program on Labor, Climate Change, and the Environment. His first column looks at the recent victory of left-wing laborite Jeremy Corbyn as the leader of the British Labour Party. Corbyn is committed to public ownership of energy production, as well as a democratic and equitable transition from fossil fuels to renewable sources of energy, and Sweeney looks at what that might mean concretely.

The news, of course, is hardly all good. With the country barely recovered from the subprime housing/financial debacle, Jennifer Taub warns of the enormous growth in the subprime consumer credit markets. And Max Fraser’s column “Organized Money” pursues that line of thinking in exposing the reckless and geometric explosion of the secondary market in student loans, which led last November to the Million Student March at more than a hundred colleges and universities in support of free tuition, the cancelation of student loan debt, and a $15 minimum wage for campus workers. Taken together, subprime consumer credit and student debt may amount to multiple financial bubbles in a regulatory environment ill equipped to prevent disaster. So, too, labor’s ene­mies are hard at work trying to further weaken on-the-job protections. Jamie Smith Hopkins details that worrying picture, in which the Occupational Safety and Health Administration has been crip­pled by big industry and a Congress that does its bidding.

Finally, the high hopes that some attached to the surprising victory of Canada’s New Democratic Party in last year’s provincial elections in Alberta were dashed in the fall when the party, once thought to be a serious contender to form the national government, was beaten badly in the national elections, not only in Alberta but also everywhere, losing a good deal of its parliamentary representation. Bryan Palmer dissects both the earlier victory and subsequent defeat.

Our “Books and the Arts” section examines some of the questions noted above: books about possible futures for the labor movement, a look at how the concept of the “employee” has evolved politically, a study of how gender and class intersect in apportioning hours of work, and finally a book about the criminalization of neighborhood life. Finally, we offer a medita­tion by the poet Dean Rader on the extra jobs, empty pockets, crushed limbs, and finally the invisibility of workers, told from the perspec­tive of a fifteen-year-old carhop.

The Subprime Specter Returns: High Finance and the Growth of High-Risk Consumer Debt

Recognizing the risks to the public, regulators have begun to step in to curtail abuses and hold accountable those who violate the law in lending practices that affect all borrowers, including those with subprime credit scores. While default rates remain relatively low thus far with these subprime loans, we should guard against complacency. Despite the fact that large banks may be pulling back...

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Black Lives Matter: Toward a Modern Practice of Mass Struggle

Born as a Twitter hashtag, Black Lives Matter has evolved into a potent alternative to the political paralysis and isolation that racial justice proponents have faced since the election of Obama. In just over two years, the young movement has reinvigorated confrontation politics, giving voice to a popular and righteous rage, establishing a new touchstone of grassroots resistance...

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The Fissuring of the Republican Party: A Road Map to Political Chaos

Donald Trump took his own stab at idiocy by reading out Graham’s phone number, encouraging his audience to “try it.” Trump’s antics came in response to Graham’s own a day before when in an effort to defend his friend John McCain, another of the billionaire’s targets, he called the rich politico the “world’s biggest jackass.” The contest intensified in September after GOP polls...

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Earth to Labor: Dispatches from the Climate Battleground

Corbyn’s Class Act is a Climate Game Changer

On September 12, 2015, Jeremy Corbyn was elected the leader of the Labour Party in Britain. Supported by several key unions, the victory of the veteran socialist member of Parliament (MP) has shocked the political establishment and dealt a crippling blow to the neoliberal consensus that has dominated British politics for over three decades. Corbyn won the support of thousands of younger activists who were not even born when the Labour Party began its rightward drift in the 1980s. For the perennially demoralized British left, Corbyn’s initials “J.C.” have invited enough “savior” quips to fill a stack of New Testament bibles.

Business as Usual Won’t Work

Taken together, Corbyn’s policy commitments amount to a declaration of war on the existing “austerity-lite” platform of the parliamentary Labour Party.

Making headlines during the leadership battle was his Protecting Our Planet statement on energy and climate change, which pledged to break up the Big Six cartel and to essentially nationalize the sector. The Big Six refers to a handful of companies that dominate the country’s energy market: the UK-based SSE (electric- and gas-producer and distributor), the gas giant Centrica, German-owned companies E.ON and Npower, ScottishPower (which is Spanish-owned) and the French corporation EDF Energy (EDF). Corbyn’s nationalization pledge comes at a time when energy policy in the U.K. is widely regarded to be in a shambolic state. North Sea oil and gas are running out, and as much as 64 percent of U.K.’s electricity is generated by imported fuels. The recently elected Tory government has announced a full on “dash for gas” and has recently granted licenses to gas companies to start fracking in large parts of the England, Scotland, and Wales. The government has been heavily criticized for facilitating a contract with China General Nuclear Power Corporation, the state-owned Chinese company, to build a massive new nuclear power plant at Hinkley Point in South West England. Meanwhile, support for onshore wind and solar power has been removed and the government plans to sell its majority state in the Green Investment Bank it established in 2010 to promote renewable energy.

In complete contrast, Corbyn boldly asserts public ownership and the need for an inclusive, democratic, and equitable energy transition from fossil-based power to renewable sources of energy (renewables). Corbyn wants to ban fracking, phase out nuclear generation, and restore investment in energy infrastructure to pre-privatization levels. Corbyn will convene an energy commission to develop a full-on transition to a new energy system that is “open, democratic, sustainable, and accountable” and be able to deliver 100 percent carbon-free electrical power by 2030.

Protecting Our Planet and other policy statements have been dismissed by other politicians as naïve and dangerous. Former Prime Minister Tony Blair has said that Corbyn’s politics exist in some kind of “parallel reality akin to Alice in Wonderland.” But on climate change and energy, what Corbyn understands far more clearly than any of his establishment detractors is that “business as usual” projections for emissions levels will lead to catastrophic levels of atmospheric warming. Energy-related emissions are expected to double between now and 2035, and renewables are growing only incrementally when compared to the global expansion of coal, oil, and gas. Recent U.K. governments have maintained a stubborn faith in aspirational targets and public-private partnerships (P3s) to address these alarming trends. The results have been miserable. Neoliberalism’s monumental failure in the face of climate change means that Corbyn’s “parallel reality” is decidedly more authentic than the one to which his opponents subscribe.

Hitting the Big Six

To the majority of the public, the Big Six energy companies act like a cartel, raising prices in lock-step coordination in order to maximize profits. Several have been heavily fined for essentially tricking customers into paying more for electricity and for willful tax evasion. Electricity costs in the U.K. are 18 percent higher than in Germany and 25 percent higher than in France, according to a 2012 study by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

Corbyn’s nationalization commitment is therefore more than an expression of nostalgia for the post-war socialism implemented by the 1945-1949 Labour government (which nationalized a number of key industries). Rather, it is decidedly in tune with contemporary public opinion. Most U.K. residents consider the Thatcher-era privatization of energy to have been a complete failure. The 1988 sell-off was supposed to introduce competition and lead to better service and lower prices, but today the idea that “consumer choice” exists in the gas and electricity markets has become a national joke. Around 70 percent of the British public want energy renationalized—and this level of support pre-dates Corbyn’s election by more than a year. This combines with rising concerns about climate change. The 2012 record-breaking floods in Southern England and other expressions of “extreme weather” have made a lasting impression. Today 75 percent of U.K. residents feel the U.K. should support an ambitious global agreement to reduce emissions, and support for renewable energy is high.

Corbyn regards the route to nationalization to be via “government majority shareholding in order to establish public control.” He supports the large-scale deployment of onshore wind and locally generated or “distributed” solar photovoltaic (PV) power. He also sees a role for small producers and cooperatives, with municipal authorities playing a part of the new ownership and governance structures. While Protecting Our Planet is conservation-focused and concerned to create jobs, the statement also openly references the union-backed One Million Climate Jobs campaign that calls for the dramatic scale up of climate-friendly jobs in order to create employment while at the same time reducing emissions.

Contradictory Policies

Corbyn’s call for a “fundamental shift” in energy policy will, of course, face many challenges. First, it is sharply at odds with European Union energy policy, which has been anchored in two core priorities. The first priority was electricity market liberalization and a fixation with the so-called “contestable market.” This entailed the “unbundling” of the state-owned public utilities so that different companies, performing different functions, could compete against each other at the level of production and sales. Wholesale markets were created and private power producers were granted access to formerly publicly owned and operated grids.

The second policy priority originates from the desire for the E.U. to be a world leader on climate change. By way of the 2009 Renewable Energy Directive, the E.U. hopes to achieve a 20 percent share of renewable energy in overall gross energy consumption by 2020. The Directive also mandated a 20 percent reduction of Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions, and a 20 percent savings in energy consumption by the year 2020 (based on 2005 levels). These are the so-called “20-20-20 targets” to which each member state is expected to comply.

The U.K. has actually tried to do more than most of the E.U. The 2008 Climate Change Act legally obliged the U.K. to reduce its emissions by at least 80 percent (from the 1990 baseline) by 2050. The Act was the world’s first legally binding climate change target. The U.K. has reduced its emissions substantially since 1990 and 8 percent in 2014 alone. But, as with the U.S., the U.K.’s emissions reductions look good only if one ignores that fact that they are largely due to the offshoring of manufacturing along with reduced demand for energy due to the 2007-2008 recession and warmer winters. Established by Parliament, the Committee on Climate Change, in its 2015 Progress Report, concluded that the underlying emissions trends for the U.K. still point in an upward direction when viewed over the longer term. “Without significant new policies, progress (in emissions reductions) will fall behind what is required to meet legal obligations through the 2020s.” A similar story is playing out across most of the E.U.

Risky Business

A fundamental problem with the U.K. and E.U.’s “targets and markets” approach is that it wrongly assumes that liberalized energy markets can happily co-exist with government playing the role of ringmaster. But this is not working. Liberalization has led to an oligarchic situation across the E.U. where just a handful of energy companies are dominant. Firmly anchored in fossil fuels and nuclear power, these companies spend an inordinate amount of political capital resisting the push for renewables. In their view, political support for wind and solar power has undermined their capacity to attract investors. The top 20 European energy utilities were worth roughly €1 trillion at their peak in 2008. In 2014 they were worth less than half that amount. Today utilities are no longer a “safe bet” investment, and many utility companies fear that if renewable energy continues to be protected by increasingly ambitious E.U. targets, then lower sales and profits are inevitable.
But renewable energy companies are also in trouble. While the 2020 targets initially gave a boost to the industry, it was clear that meeting the targets required government support in the form of power purchasing agreements, “capacity mechanisms,” and other subsidies. Governments have therefore acted as a life support system for renewable energy companies—one that (as the Tory government recently demonstrated) could be switched off at any time. At the end of 2014, E.U. investments in renewables had fallen a staggering 55 percent from the 2011 peak. The slide occurred as soon as governments across Europe concluded that falling prices for solar modules meant that the industry could compete against fossil fuels on its own. But this reaction somehow overlooked the fact that coal, oil, and gas prices had also fallen dramatically. The main message is this: The prevailing neoliberal approach means that all energy investments are today exposed to “political risk,” which has resulted in low investment in the sector across the board. This is not only a problem for energy companies, but also calls into question who will provide electrical power in the future (a “capacity crunch”) with so many private investors running for the exits.

Thatcher’s Ghost

A strong case for energy nationalization was made recently by the Center for Policy Studies (CPS), a think tank founded in 1974 by none other than the late Margaret Thatcher. A March 2015 CPS assessment noted how it is “impossible to integrate large amounts of intermittent renewables”—markets cannot predict how much the sun will shine or the wind will blow on any given day—“into a private sector system and still expect it to function as such.” Furthermore, “private investors end up having to price and manage political risk, imparting a further upward twist to costs and prices.” And the conclusion? “You can have renewables. Or you can have the market. You cannot have both….If renewables are a must-have, then nationalisation is the answer.” Nationalization “removes political risk thereby cutting the public sector’s cost of capital. Together with the savings from abolishing retail competition”—thought to add $1.3 billion a year to electricity prices in 2013 alone—“it would cut average (per capita annual) bills by around £72 a year now, and £92 by 2020.” Nationalization, says CPS, would also improve accountability and transparency, granting the Treasury “greater incentives and ability to control and scrutinise costs.” Similarly, a recent World Bank report acknowledged that scaling up renewable power to meet climate goals will depend on “a public sector-led proactive planning effort” in order to address the problem posed by the private sector underinvestment.

That both an avidly Thatcherite think tank and the World Bank would reach these conclusions merely draws attention to the compelling logic behind Corbyn’s commitment to public ownership. Indeed, Corbyn’s Protecting Our Planet statement is also informed by the fact that renewable energy has made real headway in Germany and Denmark as a result of an expansion of municipal control and public investment. In recent years many German municipalities have decided to reclaim their local grids from private corporations. Germany has thus seen a major expansion of direct municipal provision of energy services.

Climate Protection and the Public Good

Corbyn’s nationalization commitment is certain to ignite a major debate inside the labor and environmental movements. Some unions have begrudgingly come to terms with energy privatization and have maintained a strong bargaining presence in the energy sector and established sufficient relationships with the private companies. Other unions will unequivocally welcome Corbyn’s commitment to re-nationalization because it will provide a platform for economic development in economically depressed regions such as those in the north of the country. As the union UNISON has pointed out in a recent study, the U.K.’s aging housing stock, if fully weatherized and insulated, could reduce energy consumption in buildings by as much as 20 percent and generate many thousands of jobs. Unions involved in initiatives like One Million Climate Jobs and Trade Unions for Energy Democracy will see Corbyn’s victory as an endorsement of the kind of bold policy interventions the situation demands.

But the most important idea embedded in Corbyn’s Protecting Our Planet is that it views climate protection and emissions reductions as a public good, one that should be beyond the reach of the market. Corbyn’s climate commitment is grounded in the knowledge that, for many decades, public ownership and management of health, education, sanitation, transportation, and—of course—the provision of electricity were all hugely successful endeavors that improved the quality of life and economic prospects of millions of people. Such an approach is urgently needed now to address the climate crisis. “Markets and targets” have failed. There is, it seems, really no alternative.

 

[1]http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2015/jul/16/government-makes-outrageous-u-turn-over-fracking-in-precious-wildlife-sites
[2] http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2015/jul/24/the-9-green-policies-killed-off-by-tory-government
[3] Source: OECD/Nuclear Energy Agency (2012), Nuclear Energy and Renewables: System Effects in Low-carbon Electricity Systems, Table 4.7.
[4] Guardian, Jan 29th, 2015, see also: http://www.goodenergy.co.uk/press/releases/2015/08/05/new-survey-shows-strong-public-support-for-renewable-energy
[5] http://www.climate-change-jobs.org/
[6] Digest of UK energy statistics (DUKES), published in July, state that UK emissions of greenhouse gases between 2011 and 2012 increased by 4.5%.
http://www.theautomaticearth.com/2013/10/energy-is-a-power-game-3-they-cheat-and-they-lie/
[7] http://www.investingdaily.com/19316/lessons-from-european-utilities-wires-have-what-it-takes/
[8] http://fs-unep-centre.org/sites/default/files/attachments/14008nef_visual_12_key_findings.pdf
[9] Marcelino Madrigal and Steven Stoft, Transmission Expansion for Renewable Energy Scale-Up: Emerging Lessons and Recommendations, The World Bank, June 2011.
[10] https://www.unison.org.uk/news/article/2014/06/unison-launches-its-solution-to-the-energy-crisis

From The Editorial Team

The ghosts of Eugene Debs and Richard Nixon haunt the American political landscape.  Whether the extraordinary presidential campaign of Brooklyn-born Vermont senator Bernie Sanders represents the rebirth of the socialist movement led by Debs a century ago will be the subject of a feature article in our next issue.  Here we ponder the pandemonium going on in the GOP and sense the spectral presence of the only American president forced to resign his office.

As we watch the decomposition of the Republican Party–partly vaudevillian theatrics, partly a conservative auto-da-fe–we remember Nixon’s golden years.  Before he helicoptered away in disgrace, he had earned a smashing electoral victory thanks to invoking something then and forever after called “the silent majority” and the “southern strategy.”  That was a successful attempt to makeover the Republican Party by wooing the “forgotten man” through a combination of cultural and racial populism.  Party elites thought they could manipulate those emotions at will.  For a time, they did.  Now they can’t. Drifting ever rightward and at the mercy of centrifugal and often antagonistic forces–evangelicals, libertarians, Tea Party ideologues, Reagan democrats, and traditional business lobbies–the Party keeps verging on self-destruction, its leadership impotent, searching haplessly for solid ground, for some hypothetical center, but there is no there, there.   In this issue Darren Dochuk tries to make sense of what’s happened to the Republicans over the last generation.

At the opposite end of the spectrum big doings— in addition to the Sanders campaign– are also afoot.  When it began, Black Lives Matter seemed a righteous response to the lethal policing of African-American communities.  As it spreads, it is also showing signs that its militancy may be augmented by a merging of its concerns about social and economic justice.  Russell Rickford illuminates the origins of the movement and assesses its incipient radicalism.

Over the last year or two, the labor movement has also shown encouraging signs of new life. In this issue,  our “On the Contrary” column continues the conversation inaugurated in the fall 2015 issue by Lance Compa who offered his critique of various strategies for reinvigorating labor organizing.  Five writers and activists respond to Compa’s assessment and Compa replies.  One sign of rebirth is the very vigorous drive to unionize adjunct lecturers on college campuses.  Malini Cadambi Daniel analyzes what’s happening that has sparked that campaign and its relationship to other efforts, especially the Fight for $15.

As an alternative to capitalism, the workers’ cooperative movement has long history in the United States, going back at least to the nineteenth century Populists and Knights of Labor.  Interest has waxed and waned since.  It has been on the upswing recently.  The most talked about are the Mondragon cooperatives based in Spain and Sharryn Kasmir offers an incisive examination of the promises and contradictions of that enterprise.

Mondragon has become an international phenomenon.  Local organizing, however, about a variety of issues continues to furnish the life-blood of resistance to all forms of discrimination and exploitation.  In her column, “Roots of Rebellion,” Mariya Strauss describes a remarkable movement for gender and economic justice rooted in the Deep South.  And Raahi Reddy recounts the equally successful attempt of the “Fair Shot Coalition” in Oregon to bridge the gap between racial, gender, and economic justice.  In “Under the Radar” Sarah Jaffe reports on little known insurgencies in Colorado, New Orleans, New Jersey, and Alaska.

Another piece of good news for New Labor Forum and its readers is the inauguration in this issue of a new column covering the environmental movement, its friends and enemies.  We are proud to welcome our newest columnist Sean Sweeney, Director of the Murphy Institute’s International Program on Labor, Climate Change & the Environment.  His first column looks at the recent victory of left-wing laborite Jeremy Corbyn as the leader of the British Labour Party.  Corbyn is committed to public ownership of energy production, as well as a democratic and equitable transition from fossil fuels to renewable sources of energy, and Sweeney looks at what that might mean concretely.

The news, of course, is hardly all good.  Having barely recovered from the subprime housing/financial debacle, Jennifer Taub warns of the enormous growth in the subprime consumer credit markets.  And Max Fraser’s column “Organized Money” pursues that line of thinking in exposing the reckless and geometric explosion of the secondary market in student loans, which led last November to the Million Student March at more than a hundred colleges and universities in support of free tuition, the cancellation of student loan debt, and a $15 minimum wage for campus workers.  Taken together, subprime consumer credit and student debt may amount to multiple financial bubbles in a regulatory environment ill-equipped to prevent disaster. So too, labor’s enemies are hard at work trying to further weaken on-the-job protections.  Jamie Smith Hopkins details that worrying picture, in which the Occupational Safety and Health Administration has been crippled by big industry and a Congress that does its bidding.

Finally, the high hopes that some attached to the surprising victory of Canada’s New Democratic Party in last year’s provincial elections in Alberta were dashed in the fall when the party, once thought to be a serious contender to form the national government, was beaten badly in the national elections, not only in Alberta but also everywhere, losing a good deal of its parliamentary representation.  Bryan Palmer dissects both the earlier victory and subsequent defeat.

Our Books and the Arts section examines some of the questions noted above:  books about possible futures for the labor movement, a look at how the concept of the “employee” has evolved politically, a study of how gender and class intersect in apportioning hours of work, and finally a book about the criminalization of neighborhood life.  Finally, we offer a meditation by the poet Dean Rader on the extra jobs, empty pockets, crushed limbs, and finally the invisibility of workers, told from the perspective of a 15-year-old carhop.

 

Winter 2016

Volume 25 Issue 1 Winter 2016 

Contents

From the Editorial Team

Under the Radar

By Sarah Jaffe

Unreported and under-reported news and views that matter.

On the Contrary

Responses to Careful What You Wish For: A Critical Appraisal of Proposals to Rebuild the
Labor Movement

Experiment with Change

By Amy B. Dean

A New Brand of Unionism

By Bill Fletcher, Jr.

Breaking Laws to Change Laws

By Stephen Lerner

Pipe Dreams, Tunnel Vision, and Labor’s Future

By Chris Maisano

Bust Out without Breaking Up

By Michael M. Oswalt

Lance Compa Responds

The Fissuring of the Republican Party: A Road Map to Political Chaos

By Darren Dochuk

Why is the GOP decomposing?

Black Lives Matter: Racial Justice and the Carceral State

By Russell Rickford

Where is the militant new movement headed?

Adjuncts of the World Unite: How Faculty Are Resisting the Corporatization of Higher Education

By Malini Cadambi Daniel

Why the campus has become a hot shop.

The Mondragon Cooperatives and Global Capitalism: A Critical Analysis

By Sharryn Kasmir

Does the cooperative movement pose an alternative to neoliberalism?

Oregon’s Fair Shot Coalition: Bridging the Divide Between Racial, Gender, and Economic Justice

By Raahi Reddy

How to turn suspicion into trust and change the political tides.

The Subprime Specter Returns: High Finance and the Growth of High Risk Consumer Debt

By Jennifer Taub

Is consumer credit the next bubble to burst?

The Campaign to Weaken Worker Protections

By Jamie Smith Hopkins

The growing danger of going to work.

Snatching Defeat from the Jaws of Victory: The New Democratic Party and the Canadian Elections

By Bryan Palmer

How triumph in the Alberta elections last May ended in national disaster in November.

Earth to Labor: Dispatches from the Climate Battleground Cobryn’s Class Act Is a Climate Game Changer

By Sean Sweeney

Roots of Rebellion

A Guide to Insurgencies from Coast to Coast Liberation Southern Style

By Mariya Strauss

Organized Money: What Is Corporate America Thinking?

Student Debt and the Next Bailout

By Max Fraser

Book and the Arts

Labor at the Crossroads

Only One Thing Can Save Us: Why America Needs a New Kind of Labor Movement, By Thomas Geoghegan

The Death and Life of American Labor: Toward a New Workers’ Movement, By Stanley Aronowitz

If We Can Win Here: The New Front Lines of the Labor Movement, By Fran Quigley

Reviewed by Adam Reich

When Is an Employee Not an Employee?  The Employee: A Political History, By Jean-Christian Vinel

Reviewed by Steven Lopez

The Criminalization of Neighborhood Life

On the Run: Fugitive Life in an American City, By Alice Goffman

Reviewed by Kesha S. Moore

The Time Grind

Unequal Time: Gender, Class and Family in Employment Schedules, By Dan Clawson and Naomi Gerstel

Reviewed by Teresa Sharpe

Out of the Mainstream: Books and Films You May Have Missed

By Matt Witt

Poetry

Labor

By Dean Rader